Policy areas
Six areas are open. Each moves through the same four stages and is held to the same evidence rules, and none of them advances because a deadline arrived.
The status below is the honest one. Two areas have a partial evidence base; four have only a testimony. No policy paper has been compiled, so the program for government is still empty.
| Area | Testimony | Research | Paper | Manifesto |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Rental market & tenancy law | ✅ | 🟡 2 / 5 | ⬜ | ⬜ |
| Public transport & the commute | ✅ | 🟡 3 / 5 | ⬜ | ⬜ |
| Political accountability | ✅ | ⬜ | ⬜ | ⬜ |
| Citizens first | ✅ | ⬜ | ⬜ | ⬜ |
| Open government data | ✅ | ⬜ | ⬜ | ⬜ |
| Environmental quality | ✅ | ⬜ | ⬜ | ⬜ |
✅ complete · 🟡 in progress · ⬜ not started
Everything blocking the next step in each area — including every figure still waiting to be verified — is tracked openly in Status & open tasks.
What each area argues
Section titled “What each area argues”Rental market & tenancy law — the tenant’s deteriorating position is driven less by monthly rent than by the cost and frequency of the transaction, and the transaction recurs every time a landlord declines to renew. Better evidenced and harder to rebut than “rents are too high”, and it points at cheaper instruments than rent control.
Public transport & the commute — transport is argued in Israel as a capital-spending question, but the marginal decision to leave the car at home is made on cost, legibility, comfort and dignity. Those are set by enforcement policy, fare design and information design, not by track kilometres.
Political accountability — the structural precondition for everything else. A closed-list system with one nationwide district gives a voter no lever against any individual legislator, which is what lets cost of living and service delivery be crowded out by coalition management.
Citizens first — civil preparedness that failed under fire, set against an apparatus whose declared beneficiary is world Jewry rather than the public that funds it. The deliverable is a reallocation proposal with a costed preparedness programme attached, not a critique of diaspora policy in the abstract.
Open government data — Israel has a freedom-of-information law and a national data portal. The problem is that what gets published is decoupled from what anyone would use: the infrastructure of transparency, stocked with datasets that hold no one to account.
Environmental quality — the distinctive plank is not that noise is bad, but that a resident living through months of excavation cannot discover what was permitted, what mitigation was conditioned on it, or whether anyone checks. Process failures have cheap fixes.
How the areas connect
Section titled “How the areas connect”They are not six independent complaints. Open government data and environmental quality share a mechanism — data you cannot get is a lever you cannot pull — and are deliberately cross-referenced rather than merged. Environmental quality and public transport share the modal-shift case. Political accountability sits underneath all of them.
The comparison matrices are where each proposal gets checked against what every other party is offering, on the same scale, including where someone else has the better instrument.